D-Temp
Gabriel asks why Micro textbooks don't have as much of a data/empirical focus as Macro textbooks. Which is only partly true. "Micro" textbooks such as Mas-Collel-Whinston and Green are very theoretical as is Varian, and so on. "Macro" like Romer, or ... uh ... uh ... Carlin and Soskice (it's an undergrad book but grad programs currently using Romer could benefit from adopting it instead even though there's much less fancy math in it. Or is there?) have a lot of data/empirical work in them. At EI I speculated that part of it had to do with the insecurity of macro theory vs. micro. If in the back of your mind you know your theory, or in this context a lump of theories, a methodology, is schizophrenic (which Macro very much is) you're gonna throw up some numbers as barricades against obvious accusations. But the main - although related - reason for this phenomenon is that micro is simply much more specialized than macro. You pick up a Health (Micro)Economics textbook or a Labor(Micro)Economics textbook or a Sports(Micro)Economics textbook, it will be chuck full of data, I promise. But what are the specializations in Macro? (And how does that reflect on the status of this sub-discipline) Well... uh ... there used to be something called "Monetary Economics". Which got absorbed into "Money and Banking". Or maybe it was the other way around with M&B getting absorbed into ME once the finance people got purged and macroeconomists decided that somehow Central Banks have "preferences", i.e. "Monetary Rules"
Digression are these cardinal? ordinal? ordered subjective evaluations merely represented by a monotonic function invariant to affine transformations? Does BB wake up in the morning and say "I'd like to consume a little less inflation today" or where does this stuff come from?... It comes from people who insist on "Microfoundations" that's where it comes form. I did mention Schizophrenia, didn't I?
There's also the "growth and development" or "growth" and "development" specializations but even with quite impressive advances in both theory and data in these areas over the past twenty years they are still treated as "something we have to cover in ye ol' textbook but let's get it out of the way as quick as we can so we can start talking about business cycles" kinda way. Maybe it's the nature of the subject matter - and I don't think it is - but there's very little specialization in sub-disciplines in Macro (of course there's a good bit of specialization in the sense of running the same particular regression (or recalibratin') with minor tweaks over and over and over again) and well ... as Adam Smith told us, no specialization means low growth. From what I understand, these days fluctuations-Macro people specialize in explaining "puzzles".
And note that I haven't even brought up financial markets.
Consider another anomaly. Umm ... let's call it the "Data Theory Excess Methodology Puzzle" (D-Temp). At this point in time, Micro data is way way way better than Macro data. This is true even if you ignore all the aggregation issues and quibbles. To get at causation rather than correlation you need some really specific, well designed, and well collected, information and Micro is much closer to that than Macro which is still in the Torquemada stage of data gathering (i.e., torture and false confessions). Yet the standard Micro textbooks - assuming Gabriel's right here - focus on theory whereas the macro textbooks spend a lot more time on the data. Or, what I think I already said above, the determination of theory vs. data emphasis is simultaneous here. What gives? If you got good data then (assuming more data is a normal good) you should be more empirical. But if you look at the textbooks at first glance it looks like it's the bad-data-having-macro that has the more empirical approach.
This is the "D-Temp Puzzle".
Also note that most of the people who make the argument that "economics is too abstract", or "economics is too mathematical" or "economics as taught in grad school has nothing to do with the real world" or some convex combination of those three arguments, got their economics degrees like 15+ years ago. Give it about five more years and we'll start seeing (and I've been trying to do my part to start, resurrect, or more precisely reincarncate the trend) people talking about ad-hoc empirical estimations, causality, Lucas critique, structural econometrics and just the plain fact that the so called "Applied Micro" people are mostly making shit up and regressing the annual depreciation of your mother's slippers against your dog's fleas until it's significant (No. Really. That's really what they do. In fancy, statistical way but it's what they do. And then they call it "Letting the data speak for itself")
And when the pendulum swings I will feel a little better about being a Macroeconomist, even though a reluctant one.
Digression are these cardinal? ordinal? ordered subjective evaluations merely represented by a monotonic function invariant to affine transformations? Does BB wake up in the morning and say "I'd like to consume a little less inflation today" or where does this stuff come from?... It comes from people who insist on "Microfoundations" that's where it comes form. I did mention Schizophrenia, didn't I?
There's also the "growth and development" or "growth" and "development" specializations but even with quite impressive advances in both theory and data in these areas over the past twenty years they are still treated as "something we have to cover in ye ol' textbook but let's get it out of the way as quick as we can so we can start talking about business cycles" kinda way. Maybe it's the nature of the subject matter - and I don't think it is - but there's very little specialization in sub-disciplines in Macro (of course there's a good bit of specialization in the sense of running the same particular regression (or recalibratin') with minor tweaks over and over and over again) and well ... as Adam Smith told us, no specialization means low growth. From what I understand, these days fluctuations-Macro people specialize in explaining "puzzles".
And note that I haven't even brought up financial markets.
Consider another anomaly. Umm ... let's call it the "Data Theory Excess Methodology Puzzle" (D-Temp). At this point in time, Micro data is way way way better than Macro data. This is true even if you ignore all the aggregation issues and quibbles. To get at causation rather than correlation you need some really specific, well designed, and well collected, information and Micro is much closer to that than Macro which is still in the Torquemada stage of data gathering (i.e., torture and false confessions). Yet the standard Micro textbooks - assuming Gabriel's right here - focus on theory whereas the macro textbooks spend a lot more time on the data. Or, what I think I already said above, the determination of theory vs. data emphasis is simultaneous here. What gives? If you got good data then (assuming more data is a normal good) you should be more empirical. But if you look at the textbooks at first glance it looks like it's the bad-data-having-macro that has the more empirical approach.
This is the "D-Temp Puzzle".
Also note that most of the people who make the argument that "economics is too abstract", or "economics is too mathematical" or "economics as taught in grad school has nothing to do with the real world" or some convex combination of those three arguments, got their economics degrees like 15+ years ago. Give it about five more years and we'll start seeing (and I've been trying to do my part to start, resurrect, or more precisely reincarncate the trend) people talking about ad-hoc empirical estimations, causality, Lucas critique, structural econometrics and just the plain fact that the so called "Applied Micro" people are mostly making shit up and regressing the annual depreciation of your mother's slippers against your dog's fleas until it's significant (No. Really. That's really what they do. In fancy, statistical way but it's what they do. And then they call it "Letting the data speak for itself")
And when the pendulum swings I will feel a little better about being a Macroeconomist, even though a reluctant one.


32 Comments:
My first impression (also as a macroeconomist) is that macro exists as a separate discipline precisely because of empirical puzzles that shouldn't be there according to basic Marshallian or Walrasian micro theory. Namely, it's based on the observation that industrial economies sometimes have excess capacity over extended periods of time and that real wages and prices don't seem to clear markets quickly, if at all. The 1920's in Britain or the 1930's in the US would be extreme examples of this but this does seem to happen during lesser recessions too.
Micro theory at that time was going in the direction of price-taking general equilibrium while macro was going in more of a time-series-sorta-empirical direction. National income accounting, usable time series methods, and decent labor statistics first appeared around this time, and the reaction to the Depression added an ad-hoc theoretical frosting to what was an ad-hoc empirical cake. "I'll take 25% unemployment and, let's assume that money and prices are exogenous and independent from each other because the money supply and prices and interest rates are behaving very strangely at this time. Hey, nonclearing money markets! Walras's law!" THAT didn't come to bite us in the '70s. :p
A lot of these observations actually motivated developments in micro--see the stuff that Dreze, Malinvaud, and even Barro and Grossman did about demand failures. But I'll pull a D. McCloskey here and say that at the end of the day, it's quantities that matter. How much? How much do sticky prices and plain vanilla monetary shocks matter? (not much) GE is concerned with analytical results while macro is concerned with quantitative issues--why do incomes and employment vary so much and so persistently over time? This is something that we can't arrive at through pure theory but we have to attack through smallish tractable models. It's frustrating because we have no alternative.
>> "Digression are these cardinal? ordinal? ordered subjective evaluations merely represented by a monotonic function invariant to affine transformations? Does BB wake up in the morning and say "I'd like to consume a little less inflation today" or where does this stuff come from?."
We can show that a Taylor rule looks a lot like something that can come out of a Representative Agent's FONCs. So it's all welfare maximizing...
Actually, for nontrivial functional forms, the best rule will look a bit more complicated, but everything considered, I'm going to accept a Taylor approximation (not that kind).
The pendulum will swing. But to what? I saw this comment at MR from "Cdn Expat" aka Robert Tetlow:
"I can tell you from years of Ph.D. recruiting that this will be very good for participation in economics, whether it is good for the status of the profession and the earnings we make is far less certain. Over the past twenty years, the share of Americans that U.S. universities and institutions have recruited has steadily fallen. To some extent this is just a part of the natural internationalization of a once U.S.-dominated field. But it is also a function of how boring macro and monetary economics had become in the U.S.; the perception was that all the first-order problems had been solved in this country and all that remained was some second-order technical fixing at the margins. Not surprisingly then, good macro Ph.D. grads were coming from countries that still felt macro problems. The current episode will lay waste to the idea that are on top of all these problems.
For the incumbents in the profession, it will depend greatly on where they sit. The obvious (relative) losers are finance types, especially standard value-at-risk modelers. More generally, I think that proponents of representative agent modeling strategy is going to take a serious hit. Winners include behavioral finance and macro types (bubbles, herding and all that), agent-based computational economists, mechanism design types and industrial organization economists in general."
I heart Carlin & Soskice. Best macro textbook around.
It is. Even though "Costs of Inflation" does not appear anywhere in the index. I think.
http://newsroom.ucla.edu/portal/ucla/ucla-study-of-four-generations-46372.aspx
Mexican American integration slow, education stalled, study finds
UCLA report charts Chicano experience over four decades
By
Letisia Marquez
| 3/20/2008
Second-, third- and fourth-generation Mexican Americans speak English fluently, and most prefer American music. They are increasingly Protestant, and some may even vote for a Republican candidate.
However, many Mexican Americans in these later generations do not graduate from college, and they continue to live in majority Hispanic neighborhoods. Most marry other Hispanics and think of themselves as "Mexican" or "Mexican American."
Such are the findings from the most comprehensive sociological report ever produced on the integration of Mexican Americans. The UCLA study, released today in a Russell Sage Foundation book titled "Generations of Exclusion: Mexican Americans, Assimilation, and Race," concludes that, unlike the descendants of European immigrants to the United States, Mexican Americans have not fully integrated by the third and fourth generation. The research spans a period of nearly 40 years.
The study's authors, UCLA sociologists Edward E. Telles and Vilma Ortiz, examined various markers of integration among Mexican Americans in Los Angeles and San Antonio, Texas, including educational attainment, economic advancement, English and Spanish proficiency, residential integration, intermarriage, ethnic identity and political involvement.
"The study contains some encouraging findings, but many more are troubling," said Telles, a UCLA professor of sociology. "Linguistically, Mexican Americans are assimilating into mainstream quite well, and by the second generation, nearly all Mexican Americans achieve English proficiency."
"However," said Ortiz, a UCLA associate professor of sociology, "institutional barriers, persistent discrimination, punitive immigration policies and a reliance on cheap Mexican labor in the Southwestern states have made integration more difficult for Mexican Americans."
"Generations of Exclusions" revisits the 1970 book "The Mexican American People," which was the first in-depth sociological study of Mexican Americans and became a benchmark for future research. It found little assimilation among Mexican Americans, even those who had lived in the United States for several generations.
The earlier study had been conducted at UCLA in the mid-1960s by Leo Grebler, Joan Moore, and Ralph Guzman. In 1992, construction workers retrofitting the UCLA College Library found boxes containing questionnaires from the original study.
Telles and Ortiz pored over the questionnaires and recognized a unique opportunity to examine how the Mexican American experience had evolved in the decades since the first study. The researchers and their team then reinterviewed nearly 700 original respondents and approximately 800 of their children. The vast majority of the original respondents and all the children are U.S. citizens.
In the foreword to "The Mexican American People," researcher Moore had written that she was optimistic that a subsequent study would find much assimilation among Mexican Americans. Telles and Ortiz, like Moore, were surprised to find that the third and fourth generation in this current study had not achieved more gains, particularly in the educational arena.
Key findings from "Generations of Exclusion" include:
* The educational levels of second-generation Mexican Americans improved dramatically. But the third and fourth generations failed to surpass, and to some extent fell behind, the educational level of the second generation. Moreover, the educational levels of all Mexican Americans still lag behind the national average.
* Mexican Americans attained higher levels of education when they knew professionals as children, when their parents were more educated and when their parents were more involved in school and church activities. Those who attended Catholic schools were much better educated than those who attended public schools.
* Economic status improved from the first to second generation but stalled in the third and fourth generation. Earnings, occupational status and homeownership were still alarmingly low for later generations. Low levels of schooling among Mexican Americans were the main reason for lower income, occupational status and other indicators of socioeconomic status.
* All Mexican Americans were English-proficient by the second generation. Spanish proficiency declined from the first to the fourth generation, showing that the loss of Spanish was inevitable. However, Spanish declined only gradually, and approximately 36 percent of the fourth generation spoke Spanish fluently.
* First-generation Mexican Americans were about 90 percent Catholic. By the fourth generation, only 58 percent were Catholic.
* Intermarriage increased with each generation. Only 10 percent of immigrants were intermarried. In the third generation, 17 percent were married to non-Hispanics, as were 38 percent in the fourth generation.
* Adult Mexican Americans in the third and fourth generation lived in more segregated neighborhoods than they did as youths. This was due to the high number of Latinos and immigrants moving into these neighborhoods, the researchers said.
* Most Mexican Americans identified as "Mexican" or "Mexican American," even into the fourth generation. Only about 10 percent identified as "American." Moreover, many Mexican Americans felt their ethnicity was very important and many said they would like to pass it along to their children.
* Third- and fourth-generation Mexican Americans supported less restrictive immigration policies than the general population and generally supported bilingual education and affirmative action.
* In the 1996 presidential election, 93 percent of first-generation Mexican Americans voted Democratic. The percentage of Democratic voters declined in each subsequent generation. By the fourth generation, 74 percent voted Democratic.
Telles and Ortiz noted that some Mexican Americans were able to move into the mainstream more easily than other minorities. Mexican immigrants who came to the United States as children and the children of immigrants tended to show the most progress, perhaps spurred by optimism and an untainted view of the American Dream.
"A disproportionate number, though, continue to occupy the lower ranks of the American class structure," the sociologists said. "Certainly, later-generation Mexican Americans and European Americans overlap in their class distributions. The difference is that the bulk of Mexican Americans are in lower class sectors but only a relatively small part of the European American population is similarly positioned."
More than any other factor, Telles and Ortiz said, education accounted for the slow assimilation of Mexican Americans in most social dimensions. The low educational levels of Mexican Americans have impeded most other types of integration.
"Their limited schooling locks many of them into a future of low socioeconomic status," they said. "Low levels of education also predict lower rates of intermarriage, a weaker American identity, and a lower likelihood of registering to vote and voting."
Telles and Ortiz believe that a "Marshall Plan" that invests heavily in public school education will address the issues that disadvantage many Mexican American students.
"For Mexican Americans, the payoff can only come by giving them the same quality and quantity of education as whites receive," they said. "The problem is not the unwillingness of Mexican Americans to adopt Americans values and culture but the failure of societal institutions, particularly public schools, to successfully integrate them as they did the descendants of European immigrants."
The research was funded by the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development; the Ford, Rockefeller, Russell Sage, and Haynes foundations; the UCLA Chicano Studies Research Center; and various UC and UCLA sources.
The book can be ordered by calling the Russell Sage Foundation at (800) 524-6401 or visiting www.rsage.org.
.
Media Contacts
Letisia Marquez,
310-206-3986
lmarquez@support.ucla.edu
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